The
Turtle Salutes... The Participants at the World
Social Forum in the words of Walden
Bello
When
Davos Meets Porto Alegre:
A Memoir
"Hemingway said that the
rich are different from you and me. How can anyone expect the people
in Davos to understand the crisis that globalization has visited on
the lives of people like those of us here in Porto Alegre?" That was
going to be my opening line.
When I arrived at the
university studio for the televised trans-Atlantic debate with George
Soros, the financier, and other representatives of the global elite
gathered in Davos, Switzerland, a visibly shaken Florian Rochat of
the Swiss delegation was waiting for me. Swiss are known for being
impassive, but Florian was visibly shaken. "They are arresting protestors
in Davos and other places in Switzerland," he told me. "They're killing
democracy in our country. Our friends there are asking you to support
them in calling for the shutting down of the World Economic Forum."
That request drove out
any lingering desire to be "nice" in the coming exchange, which had
been billed by its producers as a "Dialogue between Davos and Porto
Alegre." The ambitious, one-million dollar plus production involving
four satellite hookups, aimed to explore if there was a common ground
between the annual elite gathering in Davos and the newly launched
World Social Forum (WSF) in this southern Brazilian city. Millions
of people globally were waiting for the transmission.
Since I had been in Davos
last year, the producers requested that I make the opening statement
for the Porto Alegre side. I obliged with the following: "We would
like to begin by condemning the arrests of peaceful demonstrators
to shield the global elite at Davos from protests. We would also like
to register our consternation that while we in Porto Alegre have painstakingly
come up with a diverse panel of speakers, you in Davos have come up
with four white males to face us. Butr perhaps you are trying to make
a political statement.
"I was in Davos last year,
and believe me, Davos is not worth a second visit. I am here in Porto
Alegre this year, and let me say that Porto Alegre is the future while
Davos is the past. Hemingway wrote that the rich are different from
you and me, and indeed, we live on two different planets: Davos, the
planet of the superrich, Porto Alegre, the planet of the poor, the
marginalized, the concerned. Here in Porto Alegre, we are discussing
how to save the planet. There in Davos, the global elite is discussing
how to maintain its hegemony over the rest of us. In fact, the best
gift that the 2000 corporate executives at Davos can give to the world
is for them to board a spaceship and blast off for outer space. The
rest of us will definitely be much better off without them."
The press termed the next
1-1/2 hours not as a debate but as an emotional exchange that, as
the Financial Times put it, "sometimes degenerated into personal insults."
But I and the other panelists-among them, Oded Grajew of Brazil's
Instituto Ethos, Bernard Cassen of Le Monde Diplomatique, Diane Matte
of Women's Global March, Njoki Njehu of 50 Years Is Enough, Rafael
Alegria of Via Campesina, Aminata Traole, former Minister of Culture
of Mali, Fred Azcarate of Jobs with Justice, Trevor Ngbane of South
Africa, Francois Houtart of Belgium, and Hebe de Bonafini of the Mothers
of the Plaza de Mayo-were simply reflecting the non-conciliatory mood
towards the Davos crowd of most of the 12,000 people who flocked to
Porto Alegre.
For this constituency,
a significant number of whom watched the debate at a huge auditorium
at the Catholic University, globalization was a deadly business, and
many undoubtedly shared the feelings of Hebe de Bonafini when she
screamed at Soros across the Atlantic divide, "Mr. Soros, you are
a hypocrite. How many children's deaths have you been responsible
for?" That Soros in the course of the debate made some utterances
regarding the need to control the negative impacts of globalization
hardly endeared him to this crowd, who saw him mainly as a finance
speculator who had made billions of dollars at the expense of third
world economies.
The holding of the week-long
World Social Forum was nothing short of a miracle. Proposed by the
Workers' Party of Brazil (PT) and a coalition of Brazilian civil society
organizations, supported with significant funding by donors such as
Novib, the Dutch agency, and provided with strong international support
by the French monthly Le Monde Diplomatique and Attac, the European
anti-globalization alliance, the event was put together in less than
eight months' time. The idea of holding an alternative to the annual
retreat of the global corporate elite in Davos simply took off. While
there were some glitches here and there, the event was resoundingly
successful, despite the massive challenge of coordinating 16 plenary
sessions, over 400 workshops, and numerous side events.
A major reason for the
WSF's success is that it had the organizational support of the government
of the city of Porto Alegre and the government of the state of Rio
Grande do Sul, both of which are controlled by the PT. Porto Alegre
has, in fact, achieved the reputation of being a city that is run
both efficiently and with sensitivity to social and environmental
considerations. The city is said to be at the top of the quality of
life index for Brazil.
The sharing in Porto Allegre
focused not only on drawing up strategies of resistance to globalization
but also on elaborating alternative paradigms of economic, ecological,
and social development. Militant action was not absent, with Jose
Bove, the celebrated French anti-McDonalds' activist, and the Brazilian
MST (Movement of the Landless), leading the destruction of two hectares
of land planted with transgenic soybean crops by the biotechnological
firm Monsanto.
Porto Alegre achieved
its goal of being a counterpoint to Davos. The combination of celebration,
hard discussion, and militant solidarity that flowed from it contrasted
with the negative images coming out of Davos. The Swiss town was the
center of Switzerland's biggest security operation since the Second
World War. The Swiss police pulled out all the stops to prevent protesters
from reaching the Alpine resort, and fired water cannons and tear
gas on demonstrators in Zurich, arresting many of them. Even conservative
Swiss newspapers condemned the police operation as a threat to political
liberties in Switzerland.
Perhaps the outcome of
the duel between Davos and Porto Alegre was best summed up by George
Soros: "The excessive precautions were a victory for those who wanted
to disrupt Davos. It was an overreaction. It helped to radicalize
the situation."
On his performance in
the televised debate with Porto Alegre, Soros commented: "It showed
it is not easy to dialogue...I don't particularly like to be abused.
My masochism has its limits." Observed the Financial Times: "Such
uncomfortable experiences seem temporarily to have scrambled his ability
to deliver pithy soundbites."
But Soros was not alone
in flubbing his lines. Soon after my opening statement, Bernard Cassen
of Le Monde Diplomatique leaned over and told me: "Walden, it wasn't
Hemingway who said the rich are different from you and me. It was
Scott Fitzgerald."
Dr. Walden Bello is
executive director of the Bangkok-based Focus on the Global South
and professor of sociology and public administration at the University
of the Philippines.