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III - Socialist and Communist
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Owing to their historical position it
became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England
to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society. In the French
Revolution of July, 1830, and in the English reform agitation,
these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth,
a serious political struggle was altogether out of the question.
A literary battle alone remained possible. But even in the domain
of literature, the old cries of the restoration period [1]
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In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy
was obliged to lose sight, apparently, of its own interests,
and to formulate its indictment against the bourgeoisie in the
interest of the exploited working class alone. Thus the aristocracy
took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new master and
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In this way arose feudal socialism:
half lamentation, half lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace
of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism,
striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core, but always
ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend
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The aristocracy, in order to rally the
people to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a
banner. But the people, so often as it joined them, saw on their
hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with
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One section of the French Legitimists
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In pointing out that their mode of exploitation
was different to that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget
that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were
quite different and that are now antiquated. In showing that,
under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they
forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring
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For the rest, so little do they conceal
the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief
accusation against the bourgeoisie amounts to this, that under
the bourgeois régime a class is being developed which
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What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with
is not so much that it creates a proletariat as that it creates
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In political practice, therefore, they
join in all corrective measures against the working class; and
in ordinary life, despite their high falutin' phrases, they stoop
to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry,
and to barter truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar,
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As the parson has ever gone hand in
hand with the landlord, so has clerical socialism with feudal
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Nothing is easier than to give Christian
asceticism a socialist tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed
against private property, against marriage, against the state?
Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and poverty,
celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother
Church? Christian socialism is but the holy water with which
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The feudal aristocracy was not the only
class that was ruined by the bourgeoisie, not the only class
whose conditions of existence pined and perished in the atmosphere
of modern bourgeois society. The medieval burgesses and the small
peasant proprietors were the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie.
In those countries which are but little developed, industrially
and commercially, these two classes still vegetate side by side
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In countries where modern civilisation
has become fully developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has
been formed, fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie,
and ever renewing itself a supplementary part of bourgeois society.
The individual members of this class, however, are being constantly
hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition,
and, as modern industry develops, they even see the moment approaching
when they will completely disappear as an independent section
of modern society, to be replaced in manufactures, agriculture
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In countries like France, where the
peasants constitute far more than half of the population, it
was natural that writers who sided with the proletariat against
the bourgeoisie should use, in their criticism of the bourgeois
régime, the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois,
and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes, should
take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty-bourgeois
socialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in
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This school of socialism dissected with
great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of modern
production. It laid bare the hypocritical apologies of economists.
It proved, incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery
and division of labour; the concentration of capital and land
in a few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the
inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery
of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying inequalities
in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war of extermination
between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, of the old
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In its positive aims, however, this
form of socialism aspires either to restoring the old means of
production and of exchange, and with them the old property relations,
and the old society, or to cramping the modern means of production
and of exchange within the framework of the old property relations
that have been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means.
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Its last words are: Corporate guilds
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Ultimately, when stubborn historical
facts had dispersed all intoxicating effects of self-deception,
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The socialist and communist literature
of France, a literature that originated under the pressure of
a bourgeoisie in power, and that was the expression of the struggle
against this power, was introduced into Germany at a time when
the bourgeoisie in that country had just begun its contest with
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German philosophers, would-be philosophers,
and men of letters eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting
that when these writings immigrated from France into Germany,
French social conditions had not immigrated along with them.
In contact with German social conditions this French literature
lost all its immediate practical significance and assumed a purely
literary aspect. Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth
century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing
more than the demands of "Practical Reason" in general,
and the utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie
signified in their eyes the laws of pure will, of will as it
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The work of the German literati
consisted solely in bringing the new French ideas into harmony
with their ancient philosophical conscience, or rather, in annexing
the French ideas without deserting their own philosophic point
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This annexation took place in the same
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It is well known how the monks wrote
silly lives of Catholic saints over the manuscripts on
which the classical works of ancient heathendom had been written.
The German literati reversed this process with the profane
French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath
the French original. For instance, beneath the French criticism
of the economic functions of money, they wrote "alienation
of humanity," and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois
state they wrote "dethronement of the category of the general,"
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The introduction of these philosophical
phrases at the back of the French historical criticisms they
dubbed "Philosophy of Action," "True Socialism,"
"German Science of Socialism," "Philosophical
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The French socialist and communist literature
was thus completely emasculated. And, since it ceased in the
hands of the German to express the struggle of one class with
the other, he felt conscious of having overcome "French
one-sidedness" and of representing, not true requirements,
but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the proletariat,
but the interests of human nature, of man in general, who belongs
to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm
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This German socialism, which took its
schoolboy task so seriously and solemnly, and extolled its poor
stock-in-trade in such a mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually
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The fight of the German and especially
of the Prussian bourgeoisie, against feudal aristocracy and absolute
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By this, the long-wished for opportunity
was offered to "True" Socialism of confronting the
political movement with the socialist demands, of hurling the
traditional anathemas against liberalism, against representative
government, against bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom
of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality,
and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain,
and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement. German socialism
forgot, in the nick of time, that the French criticism, whose
silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois
society, with its corresponding economic conditions of existence,
and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very things
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To the absolute governments, with their
following of parsons, professors, country squires and officials,
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It was a sweet finish after the bitter
pills of flogging and bullets, with which these same governments,
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While this "True" Socialism
thus served the government as a weapon for fighting the German
bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly represented a reactionary
interest, the interest of the German philistines. In Germany,
the petty-bourgeois class, a relic of the sixteenth century,
and since then constantly cropping up again under the various
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To preserve this class is to preserve
the existing state of things in Germany. The industrial and political
supremacy of the bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction
- on the one hand, from the concentration of capital; on the
other, from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat. "True"
Socialism appeared to kill these two birds with one stone. It
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The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered
with flowers of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment,
this transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped
their sorry "eternal truths," all skin and bone, served
to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongst such
a public. And on its part German socialism recognised, more and
more, its own calling as the bombastic representative of the
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It proclaimed the German nation to be
the model nation, and the German petty philistine to be the typical
man. To every villainous meanness of this model man, it gave
a hidden, higher, socialistic interpretation, the exact contrary
of its real character. It went to the extreme length of directly
opposing the "brutally destructive" tendency of communism,
and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all
class struggles. With very few exceptions, all the so-called
socialist and communist publications that now (1847) circulate
in Germany belong to the domain of this foul and enervating literature.
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A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous
of redressing social grievances in order to secure the continued
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To this section belong economists, philanthropists,
humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class,
organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention
of cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner reformers
of every imaginable kind. This form of socialism has, moreover,
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We may cite Proudhon's Philosophie
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The socialistic bourgeois want all the
advantages of modern social conditions without the struggles
and dangers necessarily resulting therefrom. They desire the
existing state of society, minus its revolutionary and disintegrating
elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat.
The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world in which it is
supreme to be the best; and bourgeois socialism develops this
comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems.
In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and
thereby to march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it
but requires in reality that the proletariat should remain within
the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its
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A second and more practical, but less
systematic, form of this socialism sought to depreciate every
revolutionary movement in the eyes of the working class by showing
that no mere political reform, but only a change in the material
conditions of existence, in economical relations, could be of
any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions
of existence, this form of socialism, however, by no means understands
abolition of the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition
that can be effected only by a revolution, but administrative
reforms, based on the continued existence of these relations;
reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the relations between
capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and simplify
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Bourgeois socialism attains adequate
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Free trade: for the benefit of the working
class. Protective duties: for the benefit of the working class.
Prison reform: for the benefit of the working class. This is
the last word and the only seriously meant word of bourgeois
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It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois
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3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND
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We do not here refer to that literature
which, in every great modern revolution, has always given voice
to the demands of the proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf
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The first direct attempts of the proletariat
to attain its own ends, made in times of universal excitement,
when feudal society was being overthrown; these attempts necessarily
failed, owing to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat,
as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its
emancipation, conditions that had yet to be produced, and could
be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. The revolutionary
literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat
had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated universal
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The socialist and communist systems,
properly so called, those of Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen, and
others, spring into existence in the early undeveloped period,
described above, of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie
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The founders of these systems see, indeed,
the class antagonisms, as well as the action of the decomposing
elements in the prevailing form of society. But the proletariat,
as yet in its infancy, offers to them the spectacle of a class
without any historical initiative or any independent political
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Since the development of class antagonism
keeps even pace with the development of industry, the economic
situation, as they find it, does not as yet offer to them the
material conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.
They therefore search after a new social science, after new social
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Historical action is to yield to their
personal inventive action; historically created conditions of
emancipation to fantastic ones; and the gradual, spontaneous
class organisation of the proletariat to an organisation of society
especially contrived by these inventors. Future history resolves
itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical
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In the formation of their plans they
are conscious of caring chiefly for the interests of the working
class, as being the most suffering class. Only from the point
of view of being the most suffering class does the proletariat
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The undeveloped state of the class struggle,
as well as their own surroundings, causes Socialists of this
kind to consider themselves far superior to all class antagonisms.
They want to improve the condition of every member of society,
even that of the most favoured. Hence, they habitually appeal
to society at large, without the distinction of class; nay, by
preference, to the ruling class. For how can people when once
they understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible
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Hence, they reject all political, and
especially all revolutionary action; they wish to attain their
ends by peaceful means, and endeavour, by small experiments,
necessarily doomed to failure, and by the force of example, to
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Such fantastic pictures of future society,
painted at a time when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped
state and has but a fantastic conception of its own position,
correspond with the first instinctive yearnings of that class
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But these socialist and communist publications
contain also a critical element. They attack every principle
of existing society. Hence, they are full of the most valuable
materials for the enlightenment of the working class. The practical
measures proposed in them - such as the abolition of the distinction
between town and country, of the family, of the carrying on of
industries for the account of private individuals, and of the
wage system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion
of the function of the state into a more superintendence of production
- all these proposals point solely to the disappearance of class
antagonisms which were, at that time, only just cropping up,
and which, in these publications, are recognised in their earliest
indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals, therefore,
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The significance of critical-utopian
socialism and communism bears an inverse relation to historical
development. In proportion as the modern class struggle develops
and takes definite shape, this fantastic standing apart from
the contest, these fantastic attacks on it, lose all practical
value and all theoretical justification. Therefore, although
the originators of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary,
their disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary
sects. They hold fast by the original views of their masters,
in opposition to the progressive historical development of the
proletariat. They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently,
to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms.
They still dream of experimental realisation of their social
utopias, of founding isolated phalanstères, of
establishing "Home Colonies," or setting up a "Little
Icaria" [4] - pocket editions of the
New Jerusalem - and to realise all these castles in the air,
they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the
bourgeois. By degrees, they sink into the category of the reactionary
conservative socialists depicted above, differing from these
only by more systematic pedantry, and by their fanatical and
superstitious belief in the miraculous effects of their social
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They, therefore, violently oppose all
political action on the part of the working class; such action,
according to them, can only result from blind unbelief in the
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The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists
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Go on to the German text of this
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Go on to the English text of the next
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Return to the front
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Notes:
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Restoration, 1660 to 1689, but the French Restoration, 1814to
1830. [Note by Engels to the English edition of 1888]:
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chiefly to Germany, where the landed aristocracy and squirearchy
have large portions of their estates cultivated for their own
account by stewards, and are, moreover, extensive beetroot-sugar
manufacturers and distillers of potato spirits. The wealthier
British aristocracy are, as yet, rather above that; but they,
too, know how to make up for declining rents by lending their
names to floaters of more or less shady joint-stock companies.
[Note by Engels to the English edition of 1888]
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storm of 1848 swept away this whole shabby tendency and cured
its protagonists of the desire to dabble in socialism. The chief
representative and classical type of this tendency is Mr Karl
Grün. [Note by Engels to the German edition of 1888].
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were what Owen called his communist model societies. [Added by Engels
to the German edition of 1890.] Phalanstères were socialist
colonies on the plan of Charles Fourier; Icaria was the name given by
Caber to his utopia and, later on, to his American communist colony. [Note
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|
