III - Socialist and Communist
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Owing to their historical position it
became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England
to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society. In the French
Revolution of July, 1830, and in the English reform agitation,
these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth,
a serious political struggle was altogether out of the question.
A literary battle alone remained possible. But even in the domain
of literature, the old cries of the restoration period [1]
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In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy
was obliged to lose sight, apparently, of its own interests,
and to formulate its indictment against the bourgeoisie in the
interest of the exploited working class alone. Thus the aristocracy
took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new master and
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In this way arose feudal socialism:
half lamentation, half lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace
of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism,
striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core, but always
ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend
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The aristocracy, in order to rally the
people to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a
banner. But the people, so often as it joined them, saw on their
hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with
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One section of the French Legitimists
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In pointing out that their mode of exploitation
was different to that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget
that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were
quite different and that are now antiquated. In showing that,
under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they
forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring
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For the rest, so little do they conceal
the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief
accusation against the bourgeoisie amounts to this, that under
the bourgeois régime a class is being developed which
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What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with
is not so much that it creates a proletariat as that it creates
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In political practice, therefore, they
join in all corrective measures against the working class; and
in ordinary life, despite their high falutin' phrases, they stoop
to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry,
and to barter truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar,
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As the parson has ever gone hand in
hand with the landlord, so has clerical socialism with feudal
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Nothing is easier than to give Christian
asceticism a socialist tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed
against private property, against marriage, against the state?
Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and poverty,
celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother
Church? Christian socialism is but the holy water with which
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The feudal aristocracy was not the only
class that was ruined by the bourgeoisie, not the only class
whose conditions of existence pined and perished in the atmosphere
of modern bourgeois society. The medieval burgesses and the small
peasant proprietors were the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie.
In those countries which are but little developed, industrially
and commercially, these two classes still vegetate side by side
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In countries where modern civilisation
has become fully developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has
been formed, fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie,
and ever renewing itself a supplementary part of bourgeois society.
The individual members of this class, however, are being constantly
hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition,
and, as modern industry develops, they even see the moment approaching
when they will completely disappear as an independent section
of modern society, to be replaced in manufactures, agriculture
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In countries like France, where the
peasants constitute far more than half of the population, it
was natural that writers who sided with the proletariat against
the bourgeoisie should use, in their criticism of the bourgeois
régime, the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois,
and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes, should
take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty-bourgeois
socialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in
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This school of socialism dissected with
great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of modern
production. It laid bare the hypocritical apologies of economists.
It proved, incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery
and division of labour; the concentration of capital and land
in a few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the
inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery
of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying inequalities
in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war of extermination
between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, of the old
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In its positive aims, however, this
form of socialism aspires either to restoring the old means of
production and of exchange, and with them the old property relations,
and the old society, or to cramping the modern means of production
and of exchange within the framework of the old property relations
that have been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means.
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Its last words are: Corporate guilds
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Ultimately, when stubborn historical
facts had dispersed all intoxicating effects of self-deception,
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The socialist and communist literature
of France, a literature that originated under the pressure of
a bourgeoisie in power, and that was the expression of the struggle
against this power, was introduced into Germany at a time when
the bourgeoisie in that country had just begun its contest with
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German philosophers, would-be philosophers,
and men of letters eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting
that when these writings immigrated from France into Germany,
French social conditions had not immigrated along with them.
In contact with German social conditions this French literature
lost all its immediate practical significance and assumed a purely
literary aspect. Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth
century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing
more than the demands of "Practical Reason" in general,
and the utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie
signified in their eyes the laws of pure will, of will as it
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The work of the German literati
consisted solely in bringing the new French ideas into harmony
with their ancient philosophical conscience, or rather, in annexing
the French ideas without deserting their own philosophic point
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This annexation took place in the same
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It is well known how the monks wrote
silly lives of Catholic saints over the manuscripts on
which the classical works of ancient heathendom had been written.
The German literati reversed this process with the profane
French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath
the French original. For instance, beneath the French criticism
of the economic functions of money, they wrote "alienation
of humanity," and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois
state they wrote "dethronement of the category of the general,"
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The introduction of these philosophical
phrases at the back of the French historical criticisms they
dubbed "Philosophy of Action," "True Socialism,"
"German Science of Socialism," "Philosophical
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The French socialist and communist literature
was thus completely emasculated. And, since it ceased in the
hands of the German to express the struggle of one class with
the other, he felt conscious of having overcome "French
one-sidedness" and of representing, not true requirements,
but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the proletariat,
but the interests of human nature, of man in general, who belongs
to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm
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This German socialism, which took its
schoolboy task so seriously and solemnly, and extolled its poor
stock-in-trade in such a mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually
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The fight of the German and especially
of the Prussian bourgeoisie, against feudal aristocracy and absolute
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By this, the long-wished for opportunity
was offered to "True" Socialism of confronting the
political movement with the socialist demands, of hurling the
traditional anathemas against liberalism, against representative
government, against bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom
of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality,
and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain,
and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement. German socialism
forgot, in the nick of time, that the French criticism, whose
silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois
society, with its corresponding economic conditions of existence,
and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very things
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To the absolute governments, with their
following of parsons, professors, country squires and officials,
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It was a sweet finish after the bitter
pills of flogging and bullets, with which these same governments,
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While this "True" Socialism
thus served the government as a weapon for fighting the German
bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly represented a reactionary
interest, the interest of the German philistines. In Germany,
the petty-bourgeois class, a relic of the sixteenth century,
and since then constantly cropping up again under the various
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To preserve this class is to preserve
the existing state of things in Germany. The industrial and political
supremacy of the bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction
- on the one hand, from the concentration of capital; on the
other, from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat. "True"
Socialism appeared to kill these two birds with one stone. It
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The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered
with flowers of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment,
this transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped
their sorry "eternal truths," all skin and bone, served
to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongst such
a public. And on its part German socialism recognised, more and
more, its own calling as the bombastic representative of the
